Moldova:Progress Amid CrisisMoldova:Progress Amid Crisis 

RUDOLF A. MARK 

Despite Fiscal Difficulties and Domestic Conflict, Moldova Is Pushing Ahead with 
Post-Soviet Reforms, Earning Praise from
International Creditors for Its Economic Transformation


PRESIDENT MIRCEA SNEGUR'S pursuit of Moldovan sovereignty and independent 
statehood and his government's renewed efforts at cautious rapprochement with 
the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) were the year's most striking 
political developments. Supported by the popular Democratic-Agrarian government 
- headed by Acting Prime Minister Andrei Sangheli - Snegur sought to restore 
internal peace and implement political, social, and economic changes.

The opposition argued that the government's political and economic reforms were 
not radical enough and accused Snegur, Sangheli, Parliament Speaker Petre 
Lucinschi, and other leaders of jeopardizing national independence through close 
ties to the CIS and a reorientation toward Russia.

DOMESTIC POLITICS
After widespread political stagnation in 1993, last year brought noteworthy 
changes. The first free parliamentary elections and their consequences dominated 
the initial half-year. While 13 parties and party alliances plus 20 independent 
candidates were represented in the 27 February race, only four parties and 
electoral blocs garnered the 4 percent minimum vote necessary to win 
parliamentary seats. The Democratic Agrarian Party (PDAM) - made up largely of 
former communist elites - won with 43.2 percent of the votes, earning 56 
parliament seats, while the Socialist Party and Unity Movement Bloc (BPSMUE) 
earned 22 percent (28 seats). The Peasants' and Intellectuals' Bloc (BTI) and 
the Christian Democratic Popular Front Alliance (AFPCD), which both originated 
in the political emancipation era, became opposition parties after the 
elections, winning only 9.2 percent (11 seats) and 7.5 percent (nine seats), 
respectively. On 2 April, parliament voted 82 to 15 to give Sangheli a second 
term.

Several factors made the PDAM victory possible, including a campaign pledge to 
seek compromise solutions on questions of Transdniestr and Gagaus autonomy. More 
importantly, the PDAM promised to attempt to modify a divisive 1989 law that 
named Romanian as Moldova's only state language - a vow that was particularly 
important in winning non-Romanianspeakers' votes for both PDAM and BPSMUE 
candidates. Pledges by the two left-wing parties' to hold a referendum on 
reunification with Romania also contributed to their victories.

Despite calls from the AFPCD for election boycotts, the 6 March referendum 
turnout was 75.1 percent of registered voters, 95 percent of whom rejected 
reunification in favor of an independent Republic of Moldova. The self-styled 
Dnestr Republic (PMR) discouraged voting by its citizens from the left bank of 
the Dnestr, and only about 1 percent dared to enter the polling places 
strategically located on the right bank. However, the PMR leadership was pleased 
with the overall election results and the referendum outcome, and expected 
greater cooperation and flexibility from a new government. Soon after the 
elections, a first round of talks between government representatives in Chisinau 
and the Tiraspol PMR leadership was organized by the Conference on Security and 
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and a Russian government-appointed mediator. On 28 
April, President Snegur and PMR leader Igor Smirnov signed a joint declaration 
seeking a solution to the Transdnestr issue, including granting the region 
special status in accordance with CSCE recommendations. Negotiations have not 
yet produced concrete results, in part because both the government and the PMR 
have had difficulty compromising their original positions. The PMR leadership 
still hoped to turn Moldova into a Transdnestr-Moldovan confederation, but it 
has been far from easy for Chisinau leaders to abandon the idea of a unitary 
state for a federative structure.

Language-related conflicts were another obstacle in negotiations between the 
central administration and Tiraspol. The PMR leadership's attempt to force the 
few Romanian-language schools in Transdnestria to renounce the Latin alphabet 
(introduced several years ago) and return to the Cyrillic one ignited an 
explosive battle in its war against anything Romanian. Parent and teacher 
protests prevented the policy from going into effect. A 17 June government 
resolution revising the main points of the 1989 language bill helped defuse 
political tension and calm the non-Romanian population. The resolution extended 
the January language-exam deadline to 1997; reduced the number of people 
required to take the examination; made available more language teachers and 
study facilities; and stipulated that the lan-guage be called "Moldovan."

The 29 July adoption of a new democratic constitution, drafted in consultation 
with international law experts, marked an important step on the road toward 
democratic renewal. A new press and media law was also intended to help 
democratic reconstruction, but provisions curtailing journalists' freedom of 
speech provoked strong resistance from the opposition and the media. In response 
to the criticism, the government withdrew the draft for revisions.

Human rights violations by Moldovan authorities were reported frequently by 
citizens and international monitoring groups. Russian-speakers complained most 
frequently, citing intentional harassment by government officials, rights 
violations in court, and ethnic discrimination. The incidents did not appear to 
be systematic, however. The omnipresence of the old authoritarian mentality and 
Soviet-era behavior in many offices and agencies was also widely cited.

The case of the so-called "Ilascu group" was highly publicized, both before and 
after the par-liamentary elections. This small anti-PMR group was detained in 
Transdnestr in May 1992 and found guilty 19 months later by a PMR court of 
terrorism and the assassination of two of the party's representatives. In a 
controversial decision, Ilascu, the most prominent defendant, was condemned to 
death and the others were given various prison terms. As 1994 wore on, public 
interest in the prisoners' fate waned. The newly elected parliament and the 
government have assumed the case, but a solution does not appear imminent

GAGAUZ INDEPENDENCE
The question of Gagauz autonomy was no less controversial than the Transdnestr 
conflict. Unlike the Transdnestr population, the Gagauz participated in both the 
parliamentary elections and the March referendum, pinning their hopes for 
autonomous status on the PDAM's anti-nationalist policies. Snegur and Lucinschi 
even made campaign pledges hinting at autonomy for the Gagauz raions (regions), 
thus staving off a Gagauz electoral boycott.

After tough, protracted negotiations that were boycotted by the opposition and 
appeared to collapse on several occasions, Gagauz representatives and the 
central government agreed to special status for Gagauz-populated areas. On 28 
December,
a parliament majority ratified the agreement and passed a law granting extensive 
rights to the Gagauz minority. The law stipulated that southern Moldovan raions 
densely populated by Gagauz be designated "territorial-autonomous structures" 
with their own national symbols and legislative assembly. In these raions, 
Gagauz and Russian were recognized along with Romanian as official languages. 
Since Bulgarians, Moldovans, Ukrainians, and Russians live alongside Gagauz in 
these areas, individual settlements will hold referenda on whether the entire 
local population will be included in the autonomous territory. Further, an 
important provision in the law guarantees the Gagauz a right to 
self-determination if the Republic of Moldova changes its political status 
(unites with another state).





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