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Egypt and Europe in the 19th Centuryby Jim Jones (Copyright 2010, All Rights Reserved) | |
Although Egypt's influence on European history dates back more than 5000 years, at the beginning of the 19th century, it was still a mysterious and relatively unknown place to Europeans. One reason was that Egypt was Muslim and Europe was Christian, and the bitterness engendered by the Crusades and subsequent wars did not facilitate open communication. Another reason was that most knowledge of ancient Egyptian society had been lost some time before the Greeks occupied the coast, so even though many people had seen the pyramids, temples and hieroglyphics, no one knew their origin or purpose.
All of that began to change during the Napoleonic Wars when a French army led by General Napoleon landed near the western mouth of the Nile River in 1798. His goal was to disrupt Britain's trade with India, and although he was not successful--the French defeated Egypt's Ottoman defenders but then had its fleet sunk by the British--Napoleon's invasion kindled European interest in ancient Egypt and its history. The new science of "Egyptology" received a boost when a small group of French soldiers uncovered a stone table near Rosetta that contained inscriptions that enabled scholars to decipher hieroglyphics.
After Napoleon's invasion force withdrew, an Ottoman military
officer named Mehemet Ali established his own independent
government in Egypt by 1811. By the time he died in 1849, he had
also invaded the Sudan and Syria, created an educational system
modelled after the one used by the French, nationalized all farm
land, reformed and expanded the army and introduced new crops
and technology. Not all Egyptians appreciated Ali's modernizing
efforts, and subsequent governments were caught between
supporters of full cooperation with Europeans and those who
favored resistance to outsiders.
Britain's main interest was in stabilizing the region, so the
government tended to support the Ottoman Empire (theoretically
sovereign over Egypt) against all challengers, while British
merchants tried to find business opportunities in the Nile Valley
and Suez. An "overland route" opened between the port of
Alexandria and the Gulf of Suez in the 1840s and Robert
Stephenson's railroad, completed in the 1856, improved the
route. Although it could not handle bulk cargoes,
which traveled by ship around Africa, the railroad and telegraph
line sped up communications between Britain and India, and was
put to especially good use in organizing military forces to put
down the 1857 Indian Mutiny.
The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 complicated the British
position in Egypt. The government had opposed the construction
of the Suez Canal from the beginning, but all that had
accomplished was to force Egypt into a partnership with the
French to build the canal. British canal opponents feared that
British shipping would gravitate towards the canal and become
dependent on it, then suffer interruptions during war time
because the canal was too vulnerable.
The opponents were partially correct--the canal was
enormously successful and British merchants flocked towards it.
In its first thirteen years of operation, the freight that
travelled through the canal each year increased from just under a
half million to more than five million tons, and British ships
carried more than eighty percent of it by 1882.
At first, the British government tolerated that arrangement,
since British ships paid only nominal fees to pass through a
canal owned by European (mostly French) investors (55%) and the
Egyptian government (45%). According to the British Foreign
Secretary Lord Palmerston, Britain had no interest in possessing
Egypt as long as Egypt was "well-run and hospitable"; i.e.
British merchants could operate freely there. But the process of
modernization, with its dependence on French military advisors,
British capital and other foreign influences, stimulated the
Egyptian nationalist movement, and ultimately, that provided a
pretext for the British government to get directly involved in
the canal.
The trouble started in the 1870s when the Egyptian
nationalist movement became active and began to target Europeans
as well as Turks. The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the
1877-1878 Russo-Turkish War encouraged Egyptian nationalists who
viewed Mehemet Ali and his successors as "Turks." One of them
was Ahmed Arabi (later known as "Arabi Pasha"), a native Egyptian
who received officer training in a school founded by Ali and
promotion to the rank of colonel under Ali's son Said
(1854-1863). Arabi and his colleagues were particularly incensed
at how Egypt became indebted to foreigners during the reign of
Said's nephew Ismail.
Under Ismail (1863-1879), the Egyptian government debt rose
from £3 million to nearly £100 million, largely due to
Ismail's efforts to modernize Egypt. In addition to completing
the Suez Canal, he hired veterans of the civil war in the United
States to train his army, built more than a thousand miles of
railroads, developed a deepwater port at Alexandria, financed
land reclamation and irrigation projects to create more farm land
and paid Ottoman authorities in Constantinople to allow his son
Tewfik to succeed him.
Ismail also spent money to expand the Egyptian cotton
industry. During the shortages caused by the US Civil War, this
effort was successful, but once the war ended Egypt was left with
an enormous debt and declining export revenues. Efforts to
refinance the debt only made things worse because service fees on
foreign loans absorbed a large part of their value. In one
instance, Egypt received only £35 million from five loans
worth £55 million, and because Egypt paid interest on the
full value of the loans, the contractual interest rate of seven
percent turned into an effective rate that went as high as twenty
percent.
By 1875, even though Egypt had repaid £29 million on its
loans, it still owed £46 million and the country was near
bankruptcy. British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli learned
from private sources that the Egyptian shares in the Suez Canal
were for sale. Acting without parliamentary authorization, he
bought them for the British government and thereby greatly
increased the British stake in Egyptian stability.
Ismail's government requested British financial advisors
in 1876 and Disraeli sent Stephen Case to investigate Egypt's
economic situation. Case reported that Egypt's economy was
basically sound but needed additional European direction. Acting
on Case's recommendations, the governments of France and Britain
(Egypt's largest creditors) sent representatives to oversee the
Egyptian finances. Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer) represented
the British as "Controller of the Revenue" while the French
provided "Controller of the Expenditure" in 1878. Other
Europeans joined the Egyptian ministry briefly in 1878-1879, but
Anglo-French participation survived until 1882.
Although they made some progress in reducing the Egyptian
debt, the presence of foreigners in the Egyptian government
aggravated the nationalists. Their cause was further aided by
abnormally low flooding of the Nile in 1876 and 1877 which caused
food shortages and starvation in Upper Egypt. As the government
went further into debt, it fell behind on payments of wages to
the army, risking their loyalty. The first army mutiny came in
February 1879 and Ismail was overthrown by a second revolt in
June 1879.
Ismail's son Tewfik took over. Europeans welcomed the change
because they believed Tewfik, a weak ruler, could be influenced
more easily. Tewfik proved too weak to control the Egyptian
nationalists, however, and his reign turned out to be a disaster
for all parties.
Egyptian military officers rose up against Tewfik's
government in February 1881 and again in September, both times
under the leadership of Colonel Ahmed Arabi Pasha. Tewfik
responded by dismissing the pro-European Prime Minister Cherif
Pasha and replacing him with Mahmoud Pasha Sami, a nationalist
leader. Sami then picked Arabi Pasha to take charge of one of the
government ministries.
Fearing that the nationalists had become too powerful, France
and Britain tried to strengthen Tewfik by signing a secret
"Anglo-French Joint Note" on January 8, 1882, pledging to support
Tewfik against anyone who disturbed the peace. The move
backfired, however, when Egyptian nationalists interpreted this
as a signal that the Europeans would invade to protect Tewfik.
In May 1882, France and Britain each sent small naval squadrons
to protect "European interests," and on Sunday, June 11,
Egyptians rioted in Alexandria and killed about 50 Europeans
including three British military personnel. The British
responded by bombarding Alexandria on July 11, and in response,
Arabi's army set siege to Alexandria and cut off its water
supplies.
Arguing that Egypt was descending into "anarchy" which
threatened the Suez Canal (located about 180 miles to the east),
the British government sought international support for an
invasion of Egypt. Neither the Ottoman sultan nor any European
governments joined in, so in August 1882, Britain acted alone.
Within two months, they captured the canal and defeated the
Egyptian army at Tel-el-Kebir. Arabi and the other nationalist
leaders were sent to exile in Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka).
Although British prime minister Gladstone tried to withdraw
the British forces immediately, there was no Egyptian government
left to maintain order, and even worse, the British invasion
ignited a revolution by fundamentalist Muslim forces in the Sudan
on the Upper Nile River under the leadership of a man known as
the Mahdi. Under British pressure, Tewfik withdrew the
remaining Egyptian forces (and their British advisors) from the
Upper Nile, but not before General Gordon, a British officer
employed by Egypt, was killed at Khartoum in January 1885. His
death made him a martyr in the minds of the British public and
for many years afterward, the cry "avenge Gordon" was sufficient
to rouse enthusiasm for imperial expansion.
Gordon's death triggered endless recriminations and criticism
of Britain's Egypt policy. Critics argued that the Egyptian
intervention was fought on behalf of British investors using
taxpayers' money. Later, others charged that Egypt was the
prototype for a form of financial imperialism that used loans of
questionable value to gain an interest in local affairs, and then
a subsequent default as justification for invasion to protect
"European interests."
BRITISH INTERESTS
EGYPTIAN INDEBTEDNESS
NATIONALIST REACTION
BRITISH OCCUPATION OF EGYPT